andrewgodsell

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Archive for the tag “Conservatives”

Theresa May Creates a Constitutional Crisis

During the 2015 General Election campaign, Theresa May, as Home Secretary in the Con-Dem coalition, claimed that the emergence of a possible minority Labour government, backed by the Scottish National Party, would be the biggest constitutional crisis in Britain since the Abdication in 1936. May’s idea was met with derision.

http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2015/04/26/snpbacked-labour-governme_n_7145404.html

In the recent General Election campaign, May and the Conservatives kept banging on about their offer of “Strong and stable government”. They contrasted this with the “Coalition of chaos” envisaged if the small Conservative majority was replaced by a progressive government led by Labour, with support from the SNP, Plaid Cymru, and the Green Party. The Tories also consistently smeared Jeremy Corbyn, saying his dialogue with Sinn Fein – which eventually helped the Good Friday peace agreement for Northern Ireland in 1998 – equated support for IRA terrorism.

Now we have a minority Conservative and Unionist government, with the weak and wobbly May desperately clinging on to power, through an unholy alliance with their “friends”, the Democratic Unionist Party.

Jeremy Corbyn has said that Labour, energised by a positive campaign (Jeremy is too modest to add that he has been an inspirational leader) stands ready to take power. As a political activist who supports a written constitution for Britain, I have concerns about the vagaries of the current unwritten constitution.

The Hansard Society has produced an excellent briefing on possible scenarios in a hung Parliament.

https://www.hansardsociety.org.uk/resources/a-numbers-game-parliament-and-minority-government

The document is well worth a read.

I wish to draw attention to a few specific points.

If May’s government is defeated on the Queen’s Speech, convention suggests she should resign as Prime Minister, and advise the Queen to invite Corbyn, as leader of the second largest party, to attempt to form a government (see pages 11-12). This is only a convention, which means May could suggest that the Queen try to appoint another Conservative (is that Boris Johnson, the £350 million man, waiting in the wings?) as potential Prime Minister.

The whole possible process of May proposing a Queen’s Speech, being defeated on this, and a subsequent vote of no confidence, followed by a vote of confidence in a new government, means the current uncertainty could last several weeks. The reference on page 13 to a “technical drafting error” in the Fixed Term Parliament Act casts further doubt on the transparency of the process.

Much has been made of the regressive nature of the DUP, who oppose gay marriage and abortion, but support creationism being taught in schools. There are also suggestions that the Conservative and DUP agreement conflicts with the legal responsibility of the Conservatives, as the British governing party, to be neutral in dealings with the Northern Ireland parties, in line with the Good Friday Agreement. With the governance of Northern Ireland in limbo, following the collapse of the Sinn Fein and DUP administration earlier this year, this has major implications.

There is also the elephant in the mainstream media room. The DUP have consistently had close links with loyalist terrorist organisations. For many years, the mainstream media have not so much underestimated the extent and horrors of loyalist terrorism, as pretended it simply does not exist.

Now where did this loyalist terrorism start? Back in 1912, when the Unionist Party, as the Conservatives were then calling themselves, founded the Ulster Volunteer Force, as a private army that sparked civil war in Ireland, and derailed the plan of a Liberal government to give Home Rule to Ireland.

Back in 1912, the Unionists argued there was no mandate for the Liberal government’s programme, as they were a minority administration, only kept in power by the informal support of Irish Nationalist MPs.

A century later, May is arguing the complete opposite to justify her Conservative government!

I think Labour should be very clear about what is happening, remain united, and press the case that we have the solution to the crisis. By keeping our nerve, Labour can win power, either in the new hung Parliament, or by our momentum leading to victory at the next General Election – widely expected to be held within the next few months.

May and the Tories – who cried wolf about a crisis in 2015 – have suddenly plunged Britain into something that has potential to be the most severe constitutional crisis for over a century.

Why NOT Trust the CONservatives?

https://www.amazon.co.uk/Why-Trust-Conservatives-Andrew-Godsell/dp/1326209159/ref=sr_1_6?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1473680557&sr=1-6

Sadly almost all of my political energy in recent weeks has been used fighting against suspension from the Labour Party. Among the many annoying aspects of the situation, it is taking me away from one of the things I do best, namely attack the Conservative Party. To partly redress the balance, thought I would post the final chapter of my critical history of the Conservatives, a book published last year. So here are my thoughts on a decade of Dodgy Dave as leader of the Nasty Party.

 We Are All in This Together 2005-2015

The Labour Party defeated the Conservatives in a third successive General Election on May 5 2005, obtaining a majority of 66. Labour won 356 seats, the Conservatives 198, the Liberal Democrats 62, and the others 30. The day after the Election, Michael Howard announced his decision to stand down as Conservative Leader. Following a review of the rules for Leadership elections, which did not lead to any changes, a contest began in October. Two ballots led to David Cameron and David Davis advancing, while Liam Fox and Kenneth Clarke were eliminated. The vote among party members saw Cameron defeat Davis by 68 per cent to 32 per cent. Cameron – educated at Eton and caught smoking cannabis there – had only been an MP since 2001. He struggled to establish a strong image as Leader of the Conservatives, being criticised by many for his relative inexperience, and faced difficulty uniting the party. A veneer of socially-conscious Conservatism alienated the right, despite Cameron’s clear Eurosceptism.

Tony Blair stepped down as Prime Minister in 2007, and was replaced by Gordon Brown, the new Labour Leader, who had been Chancellor of the Exchequer for the 10 years of Blair’s premiership. At the same time John Prescott ceased to be Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, but Harriet Harman, who replaced him in that role, was not accorded the additional position of Deputy Prime Minister by Brown. The premiership of Brown was undermined by the onset of an international banking crisis in 2007, which developed into a global recession, and the biggest crisis of capitalism since the depression of the 1930s. With the Labour government struggling to deal with a budget crisis, as vast amounts of public money were used to rescue private sector banks, Cameron and the Conservatives gained ground. In June 2009 the Conservatives won the European Union election, with 25 seats, while UKIP took 13 seats, Labour 13, the Liberal Democrats 11, and the others 10. The Conservatives now resumed their link with the Ulster Unionists, running a joint campaign in the Northern Ireland section of this election.

Public confidence in the British political system was severely reduced by the scandal of MPs making excessive, and often illegal, claims for expenses. A campaign by the Daily Telegraph, during 2009, highlighted failings by both Conservative and Labour MPs. After requests under the Freedom of Information Act had been blocked, due to lengthy resistance by MPs, the Telegraph leaked information. The newspaper largely used the expenses detail against the Labour Party, and in favour of the Conservatives. Being outside the public sector, the Daily Telegraph was exempt from Freedom of Information, and did not have to disclose how much, and to whom, it paid for the leaked detail. It subsequently transpired that the Telegraph bought the information for £150,000 from John Wick, a supporter of the Conservative Party, with former links to the security services. The deal was agreed by Will Lewis, the editor of the Telegraph, who moved the following year to News International.

The electoral pact between the Conservatives and Ulster Unionists led to an embarrassing rejection, as Sylvia, Lady Hermon, the only sitting Ulster Unionist MP, resigned from the party in March 2010. The reluctant Unionist alliance failed to win any seats at the subsequent General Election, and the pact was soon discontinued. That General Election, held on May 6 2010, led to a hung Parliament, with the Conservatives having 307 seats, Labour 258, the Liberal Democrats 57, and the others 28. The Conservative Party had failed to win a majority for a fourth successive General Election, which represented their worst sequence of results since the six successive defeats between 1847 and 1868. After several days of negotiations between parties, Gordon Brown and the Labour government departed from office, being replaced by a Conservative and Liberal Democrat coalition. David Cameron became the Prime Minister, while Nick Clegg was his Deputy – a Con-Dem double act. Cameron, aged 43, was the youngest Prime Minister since Lord Liverpool, a Tory who took office in 1812.

The government quickly set about massive public spending cuts, with the Conservatives using a budget deficit as an excuse to attack public services. Cameron and the government told people “we are all in this together”, but the continuing problems of recession, aggravated by austerity, had a disproportionate impact on people with lower incomes, while the Conservatives rewarded rich people with massive tax cuts. The policy was overseen by George Osborne, a complacent Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had inherited a multi-million pound fortune. Unemployment increased to almost 2,700,000 by the end of 2011 – the highest figure since 1994.

A messy compromise between the Conservatives, who opposed electoral reform, and the Liberal Democrats, who had long been in favour of some reform, led to a referendum on the generally unsatisfactory Alternative Vote, in May 2011. The electorate rejected AV by 68 per cent to 32 per cent, a result which damaged the cause of electoral reform. Later that year the Coalition carried legislation to set a fixed term of five years for Parliament – unless there was a vote of no confidence in the government, or a majority vote of two thirds of MPs in favour of an early election. It appeared that the main motive was a wish by the Coalition government to bind the two parties making up the alliance, with a law that would force them to remain together, in power, for five years.

The Coalition government’s policies had an adverse effect on both the National Health Service and Sure Start. The Health and Adult Social Care Act 2012 led to major reorganisation of the National Health Service, with the Conservatives undermining the service through fragmentation and privatisation. Dozens of the Conservative MPs who voted for the legislation benefitted financially, through links to private health companies, which won contracts as parts of the NHS were sold off. The Welfare Reform Act 2012 unfairly disadvantaged many benefit claimants, particularly with the introduction of an under-occupancy penalty, generally known as the Bedroom Tax. Major cuts to Legal Aid were also imposed. In the light of these events, the Conservatives were regularly reminded of the “nasty party” tag by the Labour Party, led by Ed Miliband, who replaced Gordon Brown in 2010.

The Conservative Party, along with their friends in UKIP, whipped up hysteria about immigration, undermining Britain’s multi-cultural society. Internal argument among Conservatives over Britain’s role in the European Union continued to influence the party leadership. At the start of 2013, David Cameron announced that a referendum on British membership of the EU would be held if the Conservatives won the next General Election. The death of Margaret Thatcher, in April 2013, led to widespread re-assessment of her legacy. While Conservatives lauded Thatcher as a saviour of Britain, many people saw that Thatcher had encouraged a form of capitalism that was in crisis, sold off important public assets, and divided the nation. A lasting effect of Thatcher’s policies was a drop in the level of support for the Conservatives, who only gained a majority in one out of the five General Elections between 1992 and 2010. In the Summer of 2013, the Coalition government’s plan for armed intervention in the civil war in Syria was defeated in a vote by the House of Commons, as the Labour Party led the argument against this course. Cameron, who misjudged the situation, had to pledge that the government accepted the will of Parliament.

In May 2014 the Conservatives were reduced to third place in the European Union election, with 19 seats. UKIP won the election with 24 seats ahead of Labour, who took 20 seats. The Liberal Democrats were left with a single MEP, while the other parties won 9 seats. After a protracted and damaging trial, Andy Coulson, formerly director of communications for David Cameron, was convicted of previously organising phone-hacking at the News of the World – part of the News International group – and sent to prison in July 2014. Cameron’s judgment in appointing Coulson, who had already been under suspicion, was questioned. July brought another scandal, with credible allegations that Conservative MPs were active in a paedophile ring, during the Thatcher administration, prompting Theresa May, the Home Secretary, to announce an inquiry into historic allegations of child abuse. The chair of the enquiry, Baroness Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, had to step down a few days after her appointment, due to public pressure, as her brother, Michael Havers, had been Attorney General in the Thatcher government.  Following this May blundered again, appointing Dame Fiona Woolf, who also resigned as chair, due to her friendship with Leon Brittan, who was accused of suppressing a dossier about paedophile MPs in 1984, when he was Home Secretary.

    An independence referendum was held in Scotland, on the initiative of the Scottish National Party administration. In the weeks leading up to polling in September 2014, the Conservatives were worried that the outcome would be a vote for independence. With the Tories and Liberal Democrats unpopular in Scotland, the government was reduced to leaving much of the detailed campaigning against independence to the Labour Party, with Gordon Brown taking centre-stage. The referendum rejected independence, at this point, by a margin of 55 per cent to 45 per cent. The government committed British forces to take part in air strikes against the Islamic State terrorists in Iraq, having received backing from the House of Commons in September. Meanwhile British military activity in Afghanistan reached an end, 13 years after this action, led by the USA, was started under Tony Blair’s government.

During the Autumn two sitting Conservative MPs, Douglas Carswell and Mark Reckless, defected to UKIP, and were returned to Parliament for the latter party at By-Elections. Nigel Farage, the reckless UKIP Leader, fanned fruitless speculation about other MPs defecting from the Conservative Party – which he had once been a member of. Many people were concerned about the openly racist, xenophobic, sexist, and homophobic comments regularly made by prominent members of UKIP. Besides a cynical approach to Europe, UKIP had an extreme outlook, bordering on Fascism. In 2006 Cameron said “UKIP is sort of a bunch of fruitcakes and loonies and closet racists”. After ruling out a Conservative pact with UKIP across several years, Cameron changed his mind in Autumn 2014. There was growing support among members of the Conservative Party and UKIP for the idea that, in the event of another hung Parliament, the right wing parties should work together. In late 2014, and the early part of 2015, Liberal Democrat members of the government, anticipating the forthcoming General Election, sought to distance themselves from the Conservatives. There was clear evidence that the Coalition was failing to deal effectively with the budget deficit, and national debt. The Coalition reorganisation of the NHS had left it in crisis, and the Labour Party’s rescue plan was growing in popularity.

After 13 years out of power, as Labour won three successive General Elections, the Conservatives sought to re-create Thatcherism. Cameron was portrayed by supporters as a modern Conservative, in touch with ordinary people. The reality of Cameron’s premiership was continuation of old themes, which had motivated the Conservative Party since its foundation in 1830. For nearly two centuries, the Conservative Party has been run by the wealthy and powerful, with the party focussed on keeping those people wealthy and powerful. The rich benefitted in a limited recovery from capitalist crisis after 2010 but, for most people, Britain was a poorer place, both morally and financially, under the Conservatives.

#Toryelectionfraud – a quick summary of the most important points

Anna-Soubry-MP-and-the-Conservative-Battle-Bus

During recent weeks numerous police forces around England have been investigating the Conservative Party over alleged fraud, on the basis of allegations that campaigning expenses at the 2015 General Election were not declared in line with the law. Expensive campaigning in 26 marginal constituencies, won by the Conservatives, was not declared as an expense in those constituencies, being instead reported as part of their national campaign. Much of the evidence that has come to light stems from an in-depth investigation by Channel 4 News. Some national newpapers have taken up the story. The BBC news, under the pro-Tory editorship of Laura Kuenssberg, has largely tried to ignore a developing scandal of probable electoral fraud, which happened last year on a scale not seen since the Rotten Boroughs of the nineteenth century.

There has been lively debate, and sharing of information, on Twitter, with tens of thousands of Tweets posted using the hashtag #Toryelectionfraud.

The purpose of this Blog post is to provide a summary of developments, with links to the significant online information. I intend to return with updates at intervals, but here is a quick starter.

People’s Electoral Commission campaign by the Daily Mirror – webpage has images of Tory MP expenses and a timeline of events in the investigation so many of us are joining

http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/part-daily-mirror-peoples-electoral-8041095

Tory boasts about their long-term plan to win marginals in 2015, with a £300,000 central budget

http://www.conservativehome.com/thetorydiary/2015/06/the-computers-that-crashed-and-the-campaign-that-didnt-the-story-of-the-tory-stealth-operation-that-outwitted-labour.html

February 29 2016 Daily Mirror details of 24 Conservative MPs exceeding expenses limits

http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/busted-24-tories-how-broke-7467603#ICID=sharebar_twitter

Summary from Channel 4, on April 20, of their investigation to that point. At the end of the webpage there is a link to another piece with more detail.

http://www.channel4.com/news/battlebus-conservatives-admit-election-expenses

Electoral Commission statement, April 28

http://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/i-am-a/journalist/electoral-commission-media-centre/news-releases-donations/electoral-commission-statement-on-allegations-regarding-conservative-party-spending-return-for-2015-general-election3

Alison Hernandez, Tory Police and Crime Commissioner for Devon and Cornwall, being investigated by police for her role as agent at 2015 election, refuses to stand down

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-devon-36246634

On May 6, the day after polling for local, mayoral, and PCC elections, BBC “break”?? news of multiple police investigations into Conservative expenses

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-36231138

Multiple police investigations, summary by Mark Pack May 9. The number has since grown to 19 police forces investigating 28 MPs.

http://www.markpack.org.uk/139895/conservative-mps-election-expenses-investigation-police/

The David Cameron letters – Canary May 13http://www.thecanary.co/2016/05/13/explosive-new-evidence-suggests-david-cameron-broke-election-laws-win-2015/

May 13 Lib Dems want police to investigate 2015 letter from David Cameron targeted at marginal Torbay, Devon, but not declared as local spend.

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/police-called-in-to-investigate-david-cameron-letters-as-election-fraud-probe-grows-a7027446.html

A similar letter from Cameron was used by Conservatives in Southampton Itchen, a marginal they gained from Labour.  I twice asked Royston Smith, now Conservative MP for the constituency, if this was declared as local spend, but he did not reply. His election agent has previously blocked me on Twitter. It appears the cost was not declared locally, and I have forwarded Smith’s expenses return to Hampshire Police, asking them to investigate.

http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/david-cameron-spells-name-tory-5480315

In 2015 Royston Smith was investigated by the police for passing confidential information held by the Conservatives about voters to UKIP, as part of an apparent joint effort between the parties to defeat Labour in Southampton Itchen

http://www.dailyecho.co.uk/news/13371038.City_families_fury_over_personal_details__leaked__to_UKIP_pre_election/?ref=rss

Andrew Neil mentions developments, and Conservatives argue on their own website about dubious legality, May13 onwards

http://www.conservativehome.com/video/2016/05/watch-andrew-neil-on-police-investigations-into-claims-of-conservative-election-fraud.html

Summary from New Statesman May 17

http://www.newstatesman.com/politics/staggers/2016/05/explained-conservative-election-expenses-saga

David Cameron admits Conservative Party may have made “misdeclarations” in their expenses. He also says “IN THE END I’M RESPONSIBLE FOR EVERYTHING” May 22

http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/david-cameron-admits-tories-misdeclared-8024843

Scottish National Party report the Conservative Party to the Metropolitan Police, May 22

https://petewishart.wordpress.com/2016/05/22/the-tory-party-must-be-investigated-on-election-fraud-charge/

Tories challenge investigation of their expenses in Thanet May 24 http://www.kentonline.co.uk/kent/news/kent-police-goes-to-court-96365/

The David Cameron letters – Zelo Street May 25

http://zelo-street.blogspot.co.uk/2016/05/tory-expenses-letter-bombs.html?_sm_au_=iPVtM7MPDQ00VSP4

The best source on Twitter is Eoin

https://twitter.com/LabourEoin

Another tireless Twitter campaigner is Rachael, linking the expenses issue to Tory MPs cutting disability benefits, with some imaginative graphics

https://twitter.com/Rachael_Swindon

 

 

 

Why NOT Trust the CONservatives?

Another extract from my critical history of the Tories – covering a decade of Dodgy Dave as leader of the Nasty Party

 We Are All in This Together 2005-2015

The Labour Party defeated the Conservatives in a third successive General Election on May 5 2005, obtaining a majority of 66. Labour won 356 seats, the Conservatives 198, the Liberal Democrats 62, and the others 30. The day after the Election, Michael Howard announced his decision to stand down as Conservative Leader. Following a review of the rules for Leadership elections, which did not lead to any changes, a contest began in October. Two ballots led to David Cameron and David Davis advancing, while Liam Fox and Kenneth Clarke were eliminated. The vote among party members saw Cameron defeat Davis by 68 per cent to 32 per cent. Cameron – educated at Eton and caught smoking cannabis there – had only been an MP since 2001. He struggled to establish a strong image as Leader of the Conservatives, being criticised by many for his relative inexperience, and faced difficulty uniting the party. A veneer of socially-conscious Conservatism alienated the right, despite Cameron’s clear Eurosceptism.

Tony Blair stepped down as Prime Minister in 2007, and was replaced by Gordon Brown, the new Labour Leader, who had been Chancellor of the Exchequer for the 10 years of Blair’s premiership. At the same time John Prescott ceased to be Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, but Harriet Harman, who replaced him in that role, was not accorded the additional position of Deputy Prime Minister by Brown. The premiership of Brown was undermined by the onset of an international banking crisis in 2007, which developed into a global recession, and the biggest crisis of capitalism since the depression of the 1930s. With the Labour government struggling to deal with a budget crisis, as vast amounts of public money were used to rescue private sector banks, Cameron and the Conservatives gained ground. In June 2009 the Conservatives won the European Union election, with 25 seats, while UKIP took 13 seats, Labour 13, the Liberal Democrats 11, and the others 10. The Conservatives now resumed their link with the Ulster Unionists, running a joint campaign in the Northern Ireland section of this election.

Public confidence in the British political system was severely reduced by the scandal of MPs making excessive, and often illegal, claims for expenses. A campaign by the Daily Telegraph, during 2009, highlighted failings by both Conservative and Labour MPs. After requests under the Freedom of Information Act had been blocked, due to lengthy resistance by MPs, the Telegraph leaked information. The newspaper largely used the expenses detail against the Labour Party, and in favour of the Conservatives. Being outside the public sector, the Daily Telegraph was exempt from Freedom of Information, and did not have to disclose how much, and to whom, it paid for the leaked detail. It subsequently transpired that the Telegraph bought the information for £150,000 from John Wick, a supporter of the Conservative Party, with former links to the security services. The deal was agreed by Will Lewis, the editor of the Telegraph, who moved the following year to News International.

The electoral pact between the Conservatives and Ulster Unionists led to an embarrassing rejection, as Sylvia, Lady Hermon, the only sitting Ulster Unionist MP, resigned from the party in March 2010. The reluctant Unionist alliance failed to win any seats at the subsequent General Election, and the pact was soon discontinued. That General Election, held on May 6 2010, led to a hung Parliament, with the Conservatives having 307 seats, Labour 258, the Liberal Democrats 57, and the others 28. The Conservative Party had failed to win a majority for a fourth successive General Election, which represented their worst sequence of results since the six successive defeats between 1847 and 1868. After several days of negotiations between parties, Gordon Brown and the Labour government departed from office, being replaced by a Conservative and Liberal Democrat coalition. David Cameron became the Prime Minister, while Nick Clegg was his Deputy – a Con-Dem double act. Cameron, aged 43, was the youngest Prime Minister since Lord Liverpool, a Tory who took office in 1812.

The government quickly set about massive public spending cuts, with the Conservatives using a budget deficit as an excuse to attack public services. Cameron and the government told people “we are all in this together”, but the continuing problems of recession, aggravated by austerity, had a disproportionate impact on people with lower incomes, while the Conservatives rewarded rich people with massive tax cuts. The policy was overseen by George Osborne, a complacent Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had inherited a multi-million pound fortune. Unemployment increased to almost 2,700,000 by the end of 2011 – the highest figure since 1994.

 

A messy compromise between the Conservatives, who opposed electoral reform, and the Liberal Democrats, who had long been in favour of some reform, led to a referendum on the generally unsatisfactory Alternative Vote, in May 2011. The electorate rejected AV by 68 per cent to 32 per cent, a result which damaged the cause of electoral reform. Later that year the Coalition carried legislation to set a fixed term of five years for Parliament – unless there was a vote of no confidence in the government, or a majority vote of two thirds of MPs in favour of an early election. It appeared that the main motive was a wish by the Coalition government to bind the two parties making up the alliance, with a law that would force them to remain together, in power, for five years.

The Coalition government’s policies had an adverse effect on both the National Health Service and Sure Start. The Health and Adult Social Care Act 2012 led to major reorganisation of the National Health Service, with the Conservatives undermining the service through fragmentation and privatisation. Dozens of the Conservative MPs who voted for the legislation benefitted financially, through links to private health companies, which won contracts as parts of the NHS were sold off. The Welfare Reform Act 2012 unfairly disadvantaged many benefit claimants, particularly with the introduction of an under-occupancy penalty, generally known as the Bedroom Tax. Major cuts to Legal Aid were also imposed. In the light of these events, the Conservatives were regularly reminded of the “nasty party” tag by the Labour Party, led by Ed Miliband, who replaced Gordon Brown in 2010.

The Conservative Party, along with their friends in UKIP, whipped up hysteria about immigration, undermining Britain’s multi-cultural society. Internal argument among Conservatives over Britain’s role in the European Union continued to influence the party leadership. At the start of 2013, David Cameron announced that a referendum on British membership of the EU would be held if the Conservatives won the next General Election. The death of Margaret Thatcher, in April 2013, led to widespread re-assessment of her legacy. While Conservatives lauded Thatcher as a saviour of Britain, many people saw that Thatcher had encouraged a form of capitalism that was in crisis, sold off important public assets, and divided the nation. A lasting effect of Thatcher’s policies was a drop in the level of support for the Conservatives, who only gained a majority in one out of the five General Elections between 1992 and 2010. In the Summer of 2013, the Coalition government’s plan for armed intervention in the civil war in Syria was defeated in a vote by the House of Commons, as the Labour Party led the argument against this course. Cameron, who misjudged the situation, had to pledge that the government accepted the will of Parliament.

In May 2014 the Conservatives were reduced to third place in the European Union election, with 19 seats. UKIP won the election with 24 seats ahead of Labour, who took 20 seats. The Liberal Democrats were left with a single MEP, while the other parties won 9 seats. After a protracted and damaging trial, Andy Coulson, formerly director of communications for David Cameron, was convicted of previously organising phone-hacking at the News of the World – part of the News International group – and sent to prison in July 2014. Cameron’s judgment in appointing Coulson, who had already been under suspicion, was questioned. July brought another scandal, with credible allegations that Conservative MPs were active in a paedophile ring, during the Thatcher administration, prompting Theresa May, the Home Secretary, to announce an inquiry into historic allegations of child abuse. The chair of the enquiry, Baroness Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, had to step down a few days after her appointment, due to public pressure, as her brother, Michael Havers, had been Attorney General in the Thatcher government.  Following this May blundered again, appointing Dame Fiona Woolf, who also resigned as chair, due to her friendship with Leon Brittan, who was accused of suppressing a dossier about paedophile MPs in 1984, when he was Home Secretary.

    An independence referendum was held in Scotland, on the initiative of the Scottish National Party administration. In the weeks leading up to polling in September 2014, the Conservatives were worried that the outcome would be a vote for independence. With the Tories and Liberal Democrats unpopular in Scotland, the government was reduced to leaving much of the detailed campaigning against independence to the Labour Party, with Gordon Brown taking centre-stage. The referendum rejected independence, at this point, by a margin of 55 per cent to 45 per cent. The government committed British forces to take part in air strikes against the Islamic State terrorists in Iraq, having received backing from the House of Commons in September. Meanwhile British military activity in Afghanistan reached an end, 13 years after this action, led by the USA, was started under Tony Blair’s government.

During the Autumn two sitting Conservative MPs, Douglas Carswell and Mark Reckless, defected to UKIP, and were returned to Parliament for the latter party at By-Elections. Nigel Farage, the reckless UKIP Leader, fanned fruitless speculation about other MPs defecting from the Conservative Party – which he had once been a member of. Many people were concerned about the openly racist, xenophobic, sexist, and homophobic comments regularly made by prominent members of UKIP. Besides a cynical approach to Europe, UKIP had an extreme outlook, bordering on Fascism. In 2006 Cameron said “UKIP is sort of a bunch of fruitcakes and loonies and closet racists”. After ruling out a Conservative pact with UKIP across several years, Cameron changed his mind in Autumn 2014. There was growing support among members of the Conservative Party and UKIP for the idea that, in the event of another hung Parliament, the right wing parties should work together. In late 2014, and the early part of 2015, Liberal Democrat members of the government, anticipating the forthcoming General Election, sought to distance themselves from the Conservatives. There was clear evidence that the Coalition was failing to deal effectively with the budget deficit, and national debt. The Coalition reorganisation of the NHS had left it in crisis, and the Labour Party’s rescue plan was growing in popularity.

After 13 years out of power, as Labour won three successive General Elections, the Conservatives sought to re-create Thatcherism. Cameron was portrayed by supporters as a modern Conservative, in touch with ordinary people. The reality of Cameron’s premiership was continuation of old themes, which had motivated the Conservative Party since its foundation in 1830. For nearly two centuries, the Conservative Party has been run by the wealthy and powerful, with the party focussed on keeping those people wealthy and powerful. The rich benefitted in a limited recovery from capitalist crisis after 2010 but, for most people, Britain was a poorer place, both morally and financially, under the Conservatives.

Why NOT trust the CONservatives – lessons from Tory history

Another extract from my book about the Tories – covering the era of Ted Heath and Enoch Powell (the thinking man’s Farage maybe??)

Rivers of Blood 1964-1974

A Labour government was formed in October 1964, with Harold Wilson as Prime Minister. Election defeat led to some reorganisation of the Conservative Party, and in January 1965 Edward du Cann became Party Chairman. In view of the fiasco of 1963, a feeling finally developed that a formal procedure should be established for the election of the Leader. There had not previously been any pressure for this, given the anti-democratic outlook of the party. Alec Douglas-Home set up an election procedure, and the rules were adopted by the party in February 1965. Voting would be confined to Conservative MPs. To win on the first ballot, a candidate would require an overall majority equivalent to 15 per cent of those voting. On the second ballot a simple majority would suffice. The old process for choos­ing a Leader was not entirely dispensed with. The rules provided that the winner of the election would sub­sequently be confirmed as Leader by a party meeting. In the following months, a number of MPs set about attempt­ing to secure the replacement of Douglas-Home, and this prompted him to resign on July 22. There now followed the Conservative Party’s first genuine Leadership election, with three candidates, namely Edward Heath, Reginald Maudling, and Enoch Powell. The ballot was held on July 27, when Heath received 150 votes, Maudling 133, and Powell 15. Although Heath had not won the requisite majority, Maudling and Powell both withdrew from the contest so Heath was declared the winner, with victory confirmed at a party meeting on August 2. The Conservatives had reacted to defeat in the 1964 Election with a major rethink of their policies. The process culminated with a policy document, Putting Britain Right Ahead, being published in the Autumn of 1965, to coincide with the Party Conference. The main theme was economic growth, through policies of lower taxation, reduced government expenditure, reduced social services, legislation to curb trade union power, and entry into the EEC.

In February 1966 Wilson called an Election for March 31, looking to increase the government’s majority. Labour won 363 seats, the Conservatives 253, the Liberals 12, and the others 2. Labour had won a majority of 96 seats. The Conservative Party responded to defeat with a further development of their organisation and policy. Heath had been intent on sacking du Cann – who he did not like – as Party Chairman from the outset of his Leadership. Eventually differences between Heath and du Cann led to the latter resigning in 1967. The policy exercise continued throughout the Conservatives’ period in opposition. The basic policy lines featured in the 1965 statement were developed, and the emphasis remained on economic growth. Meanwhile Heath faced a challenge from the right wing of the party, for whom Enoch Powell emerged as the main spokesman. Powell served in the Shadow Cabinet as Defence Spokesman, but he and Heath did not enjoy an easy relationship. Powell developed an increasingly indepen­dent line, as he did not support Britain’s retention of nuclear weapons, and stated so publicly, differing from the vast majority of the Conservative Party. Powell argued that Britain’s national identity had to be defined, and also protected from threats posed by immigration and the EEC. In April 1968 Heath dismissed Powell from the Shadow Cabinet, after he made a speech attacking immigration, claiming that racial tension could lead to “rivers of blood”. The right saw Powell as attacking the post-war political consensus, allowing a new Conservative approach to replace it. The right believed that the Party needed something more substantial than Heath’s economic policy if it was to regain power. The right was also con­cerned by Heath’s support for the modernisation theme, introduced by Macmillan. They argued that modernisation had not proved itself, and that the Conservatives should only follow policies that experience had shown to be successful. As an alternative the right sought support through an assertion of traditional Conservative concerns. The leadership originally saw the right as a possible threat to the party’s new strategy and an electoral liability, viewing them as inflexible supporters of outdated ideas. Nevertheless the right’s arguments gained support in the party, with the result that the leadership made concessions to them.

The next General Election took place on June 18 1970. The Conservatives, who campaigned on the programme developed in opposition, won 330 seats, Labour 287, the Liberals 6, and the others 7. Heath became Prime Minister, while Alec Douglas-Home was Foreign Secretary for the second time, and Powell was excluded from the government. Victory united the party, and the disputes of the past few years ended. The government was initially intent on implementing its programme. At the Party Conference, in October, Heath said that the government would “embark on a change so radical, a revolution so quiet and so total that it will go far beyond the programme of a Parliament”. It was a sign of how far the Conservatives had been forced to compromise their beliefs that Heath was now proclaiming them as revolutionaries. The Conservative Party suppos­edly existed to block change, even change which fell far short of revolution.

The promised reduction of government intervention in industry was initially adhered to, while the Indus­trial Relations Act of 1971 attacked the position of the unions. Heath’s major aim was to achieve entry to the EEC, the negotiations for which led to the signing of a treaty of accession in January 1972, subject to the passing of legislation by Parliament. The Conservative Party was still not wholly in favour of EEC membership, and the European Communities Act was only carried passed as the result of the support of a minority of Labour MPs. Another major constitutional measure, the Local Government Act 1972, reorganised the structure in England and Wales. Many of the traditional counties were either rearranged or abolished, while new counties were created. March 1972 brought a resumption of direct rule of Northern Ireland, in response to the escalation of political violence there. The Ulster Volunteer Force, the Tory terrorists from the early twentieth century, had re-formed in 1966, to oppose the campaign for civil rights by Catholics. During 1972 the economy caused the government great problems, with unemployment reaching more than one million. With no sign of industry reviving as a result of the government’s policies, it adopted intervention.

Entry into the EEC occurred on January 1 1973. Heath saw entry into the EEC as a major economic benefit for Britain. In return for this he was prepared to accept the loss of Britain’s independence. The laws of Britain ceased to be the sole preserve of its Parliament, as they became subject to those of the EEC. The Conservative Party had provided further evidence that its claims to be a national Party are dishonest. Meanwhile the government’s economic strategy failed to produce successful results. November brought strikes by the miners and power workers. The miners’ strike lasted through the Winter, and led to a three day working week. Heath had to choose between calling an Election on the issue of who should govern the country, and the alternative of conced­ing to the miners. Heath decided to call an Election, which was set for February 28 1974, but the Conservatives intended to settle with the miners if they won the Election. Powell denounced the Election as fraudu­lent, refused to be a candidate, and announced that he would vote for the Labour Party, as it planned to hold a referendum on EEC membership. Labour won 301 seats, the Conservatives 297, the Liberals 14, the Ulster Unionists 11, and the others 12. The Ulster Unionists had broken with the Conservative Party following disagreement over the governance of Northern Ireland. With no majority for any party, Heath stayed in office, and attempted to form a coalition. The questionable decision to allow Heath to remain in office for several days, after Labour had won more seats than the Conservatives in the Election, was made by the queen, after her advisors had consulted Robert Blake, a supposed constitutional expert. Blake’s advice was not exactly neutral, as he was a member of the Conservative Party, author of The Conservative Party from Peel to Churchill, a history published in 1970, and had been given a place in the House of Lords by Heath in 1971. Heath’s negotiations with the Lib­erals broke down over their insistence on proportional representation. Heath resigned on March 4, and Harold Wilson formed a minority Labour government. A second Election was held on October 10, as Labour sought a majority. With the Conservatives still in a weak position, Heath was reduced to arguing in the campaign for a national and not necess­arily a Conservative government. Labour won 319 seats, the Conservatives 277, the Liberals 13, and the minor parties 26. The latter figure included 6 MPs for the Ulster Unionists, with Enoch Powell being re-elected to Parliament under this banner. Labour had a majority of 3.

Heath had now lost three Elections out of four. This led to pressure in the Conserva­tive Party for a Leadership election. The current rules did not lay down that the Leader had to present himself for re-election at any time. Nevertheless Heath realised that he would have to face an election if he was to retain his authority. He announced that he would face an election once the rules had been revised, as they were regarded as unsatisfactory.

The Nasty Party – Why Not Trust the Conservatives?

With only six weeks to go until the General Election, a look back at the Conservatives’ record during the Major government, and the rapid succession of leaders who followed Major.

The penultimate chapter of my new book about Tory history.

11 The Nasty Party 1991-2004

Within a few weeks of John Major becoming Prime Minister, he took Britain into the Gulf War, committing the armed forces to support the USA in attacking Iraq at the start of 1991, following the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait the previous year. An international coalition, led by the USA, defeated Iraq in the war, and liberated the Kuwaiti oil fields, for the benefit of the western world. At home Europe remained a major issue, with the formation in 1991 of the Anti-Federalist League, a pressure group which opposed European integration. Meanwhile the Conservatives carried legislation to replace the Poll Tax with the Council Tax, leading to the latter taking effect in 1993, and gaining acceptance as a fairer means to finance local government. A General Election was held in April 1992. For much of the campaign it appeared likely that Labour would win, but John Major and the Conservatives retained power. The Conservatives won 336 seats, Labour 271, the Liberal Democrats 20, the Ulster Unionist Party 9, and others 15. The Conservatives’ majority was reduced to 21 seats, although the party’s vote of 14,093,007 surpassed that of Labour in 1951 as the highest yet for a single party.
In September 1992 currency speculation forced the withdrawal of Sterling from the ERM. Major’s government struggled through the next few years, being weakened by divisions among the Conservatives over Britain’s role in the European Community, which evolved into the European Union. There was also Conservative mismanagement of the economy, and unemployment increased to above 3,000,000 in February 1993. A few months later, Major narrowly avoided defeat in the House of Commons over the European Union Maastricht treaty, due to the “Maastricht Rebels” group of Conservative MPs. In his frustration, Major was overheard telling a television interviewer, when he thought the microphones were off, about the problems caused by “bastards” in his Cabinet. The United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) was now formed, as a replacement for the Anti-Federalist League, and several of the “Maastricht Rebels” subsequently join UKIP.
Sleaze and scandal led to several ministerial resignations. David Mellor, Secretary of State for National Heritage, resigned in 1992, following revelations of his affair with Antonia de Sancha, an aspiring actress. Mellor was also damaged by circulation of knowledge that he took a holiday with Mona Bauwens, the daughter of Jaweed al-Ghussein, financier for the Palestinian Liberation Organisation, a couple of years earlier – Mona Bauwens paid for the holiday. This was followed by the departure in 1993 of Michael Mates, a minister in the Northern Ireland office, whose career dropped to a low-point due to support for Asil Nadir, a fugitive businessman. At the Conservative Party Conference in October 1993, Major called for a “back to basics” campaign, the idea being that the Conservatives could lead Britain back to traditional values, based around decency, courtesy, and the family. It was an audacious move by Major, who previously had an affair with Edwina Currie, a fellow Conservative MP, which lasted from 1984 to 1988, but somehow remained secret until Currie revealed all – publishing her diaries in 2002.
The Conservatives were heavily defeated in a European Union election, held in June 1994, winning only 18 of the 81 seats across the United Kingdom. Labour won 62 seats, during the interim Leadership of Margaret Beckett, following the death during May of John Smith, who had replaced Neil Kinnock as Labour Leader in 1992. Tony Blair was elected Leader of the Labour Party in July 1994, and set about a re-branding of the party, which reduced its Socialist drive, but made it more electable. During October, Tim Smith and Neil Hamilton resigned from the government, having been caught receiving cash to ask questions in the House of Commons. Hamilton was embroiled in legal action stretching across several years, lost his seat in Parliament at the next General Election, and subsequently joined UKIP. In 1995 John Major called a Conservative Leadership election, in view of party intrigues against him, and defeated the challenger, John Redwood, by 218 votes to 89. The government’s majority was gradually eroded, due to By-Election defeats, along with the withdrawal of the whip from rebellious MPs, leading to the Conservatives being placed in a minority from 1996. Major delayed calling a General Election until the end of a five year term.
In May 1997 Labour won a General Election, with 419 seats, and a majority of 179, ending 18 years of Conservative rule, and starting a new era in British politics. The Conservatives were reduced to 165 seats, their smallest total since 1906. The Liberal Democrats won 46 seats, the Ulster Unionists 10, and the others 19. Major resigned as Conservative Leader, and a Leadership election was held in June. William Hague became the youngest ever Leader of the Conservatives, at the age of 36, beating Kenneth Clarke by 90 votes to 72 in the third ballot, following the elimination of Michael Howard and John Redwood, plus the withdrawal of Peter Lilley. The Labour government, led by Tony Blair, took office pledged to carry out a wide-ranging programme of reform. Labour achieved a great deal, defeating Conservative attempts to halt progress, while William Hague failed to give a strong lead to the latter party. Hague’s attempt to modernise the Conservative Party’s image included a comical visit to a theme park, with his Chief of Staff, Sebastian Coe, who was a former Olympic athlete and Conservative MP. Hague carried out some reorganisation of the Conservative Party, which led to it agreeing a formal party constitution, for the first time, in 1998, at which point a National Conservative Convention replaced the National Union. Until this point, the Conservative Party was the only major British political party without a written constitution. This lack of a consti¬tution allowed the leadership to maintain its dominance of the party, by denying rights to the membership. In a sequel to the sleaze of the Major government, Jonathan Aitken, a minister in that administration, was imprisoned in 1999, having been convicted of perjury. This stemmed from a dishonest libel action by Aitken, who challenged reports of his links with shady capitalists from Saudi Arabia when he was a minister.
Labour carried the National Minimum Wage Act in 1998, a measure that the Conservatives opposed. The Blair government also founded Sure Start, and improved the National Health Service. Following approval in referendums held in the respective nations during 1997, the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly were set up in 1999. These bodies successfully implemented a measure of self-government for Scotland and, to a lesser extent, Wales, which continues to develop. There were also major changes in the political situation in Northern Ireland, and the virtual ending of terrorist violence in the province – a positive contrast to the Unionist sectarian policies of the Tories. The changes followed from the Belfast Agreement (generally known as the Good Friday agreement) reached between the governments of Britain and the Republic of Ireland in April 1998. The agreement was approved the following month in separate referendums in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The Northern Ireland Assembly was created in 1999, and began to take responsibility for devolved government, bringing together Catholics and Protestants. The House of Lords Act 1999, passed after some resistance by Conservatives, removed the hereditary peers, apart from a group of 92 members, whose position in the Lords was maintained by their winning a ballot amongst the hereditary peers.
The Human Rights Act 1998, incorporating the European Convention on Human Rights into British law, was a fine achievement of the Labour government, but the Conservative focus lay elsewhere. During that year Augusto Pinochet, the former Fascist dictator of Chile, was arrested on a visit to Britain, and held under house arrest, pending possible extradition to Spain, to face trial for crimes committed by his regime. In 1999 Margaret Thatcher made a speech – to a fringe meeting – at the Conservative Party conference, for the first time since her downfall as Prime Minister, calling for the release of Pinochet. Thatcher celebrated the actions of Pinochet’s Fascist dictatorship, claiming that it had built a “prosperous democratic order”. Thatcher failed to mention that Pinochet had ordered the murder of countless thousands of people. Thatcher also visited Pinochet, who she described as a friend. After a protracted legal battle, Pinochet was released in 2000 and allowed to return to Chile, on the questionable grounds that he was too frail to face a trial.
The Conservatives won the European Union election held in June 1999, with 36 seats ahead of Labour’s 29, while the Liberal Democrats took 10 seats, and the others 12. Nevertheless Hague was held in low esteem by much of the general public. Michael Portillo, a member of the Major government who lost his seat at the 1997 General Election, was returned to the Commons in a By-Election at the end of 1999. Portillo was given a prominent role in the Shadow Cabinet by Hague in early 2000, and appeared to be a possible rival. Another shadow from the past arrived later in the year, as Jeffrey Archer was charged with committing perjury in his 1987 libel case, and promptly suspended from the Conservative Party by Hague. Archer was subsequently tried, convicted, and imprisoned. Part of the trial coincided with a General Election campaign, with polling on June 7 2001. Labour retained power, winning 413 seats, and a majority of 167. The Conservatives won 166 seats, a gain of just one seat compared with the previous Election, while the Liberal Democrats took 52 seats, and the others 28.
William Hague immediately resigned as Conservative Leader, and the process to replace him started with ballots among the party’s MPs a few days later. After three ballots, Kenneth Clarke and Iain Duncan Smith eliminated Michael Portillo, David Davis, and Michael Ancram. The top two in the MPs’ poll then went forward to a contest in which party members had a vote, with Iain Duncan Smith winning by 61 per cent to Clarke’s 39 per cent when the result was announced, in September. Duncan Smith was helped by an announcement of support from Margaret Thatcher, who favoured his Eurosceptic line, whereas Clarke had long been an enthusiast for the development of the European Union.
IDS, as he became widely known, had been elected to Parliament 1992, and joined the Conservative front bench after the 1997 Election defeat. He was the first Roman Catholic to lead the Conservative Party. Duncan Smith proved to be a weak leader, whose authority rapidly declined. He sacked David Davis from the role of Party Chairman, and appointed Theresa May in July 2002, as she became the first woman chair of the party. A few months later, May told the Conservative Party Conference “There’s a lot we need to do in this party of ours. Our base is too narrow and so, occasionally, are our sympathies. You know what some people call us? The Nasty Party”. The phrase “Nasty Party” was increasingly used by opponents of the Conservatives over the next few years. During 2003, Duncan Smith was troubled by the “Betsygate” scandal, being accused of improper use of public money in paying his wife, Betsy, in her role as his diary secretary. A Parliamentary investigation concluded that Duncan Smith had not broken the rules, but he and Betsy appeared to have benefitted from confusion over the rules.
On October 29 2003 Duncan Smith lost a vote of confidence among Conservative MPs, by a margin of 90 to 75. Michael Howard became the next Leader, being elected unopposed on November 6. Howard, who had served in government under Thatcher and Major from 1990 to 1997, was an improvement compared to Duncan Smith. Tony Blair’s reputation was now damaged by the perception that his government had exchanged clarity for the tales of its “spin doctors”. The government’s handling of the Iraq war, in the Spring of 2003, and its aftermath, particularly undermined Blair’s standing. The case for participation in the war against Iraq hinged on the claim that Saddam Hussein was readily able to deploy weapons of mass destruction. It soon became clear that Blair had exaggerated the extent of the threat from the Iraqis, and during 2004 Michael Howard made an impact, leading Conservative pressure on the government. In June of that year the Conservatives managed an unconvincing victory in the European Union election, with only 27 per cent of the vote. The Conservatives won 27 seats, Labour 19, UKIP 12, the Liberal Democrats 12, and the others 8.

Why NOT trust the CONservatives – Cameron and the Con-Dem Coalition

The new edition of my critical book about the Conservative Party has just arrived on Kindle

http://www.amazon.co.uk/Why-Trust-Conservatives-Andrew-Godsell-ebook/dp/B00UQVRDGW/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1426802036&sr=1-1&keywords=andrew+godsell

Here is an extract, covering the Cameron era

We Are All in This Together 2005-2015

The Labour Party defeated the Conservatives in a third successive General Election on May 5 2005, obtaining a majority of 66. Labour won 356 seats, the Conservatives 198, the Liberal Democrats 62, and the others 30. The day after the Election, Michael Howard announced his decision to stand down as Conservative Leader. Following a review of the rules for Leadership elections, which did not lead to any changes, a contest began in October. Two ballots led to David Cameron and David Davis advancing, while Liam Fox and Kenneth Clarke were eliminated. The vote among party members saw Cameron defeat Davis by 68 per cent to 32 per cent. Cameron – educated at Eton and caught smoking cannabis there – had only been an MP since 2001. He struggled to establish a strong image as Leader of the Conservatives, being criticised by many for his relative inexperience, and faced difficulty uniting the party. A veneer of socially-conscious Conservatism alienated the right, despite Cameron’s clear Eurosceptism.

Tony Blair stepped down as Prime Minister in 2007, and was replaced by Gordon Brown, the new Labour Leader, who had been Chancellor of the Exchequer for the 10 years of Blair’s premiership. At the same time John Prescott ceased to be Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, but Harriet Harman, who replaced him in that role, was not accorded the additional position of Deputy Prime Minister by Brown. The premiership of Brown was undermined by the onset of an international banking crisis in 2007, which developed into a global recession, and the biggest crisis of capitalism since the depression of the 1930s. With the Labour government struggling to deal with a budget crisis, as vast amounts of public money were used to rescue private sector banks, Cameron and the Conservatives gained ground. In June 2009 the Conservatives won the European Union election, with 25 seats, while UKIP took 13 seats, Labour 13, the Liberal Democrats 11, and the others 10. The Conservatives now resumed their link with the Ulster Unionists, running a joint campaign in the Northern Ireland section of this election.

Public confidence in the British political system was severely reduced by the scandal of MPs making excessive, and often illegal, claims for expenses. A campaign by the Daily Telegraph, during 2009, highlighted failings by both Conservative and Labour MPs. After requests under the Freedom of Information Act had been blocked, due to lengthy resistance by MPs, the Telegraph leaked information. The newspaper largely used the expenses detail against the Labour Party, and in favour of the Conservatives. Being outside the public sector, the Daily Telegraph was exempt from Freedom of Information, and did not have to disclose how much, and to whom, it paid for the leaked detail. It subsequently transpired that the Telegraph bought the information for £150,000 from John Wick, a supporter of the Conservative Party, with former links to the security services. The deal was agreed by Will Lewis, the editor of the Telegraph, who moved the following year to News International.

The electoral pact between the Conservatives and Ulster Unionists led to an embarrassing rejection, as Sylvia, Lady Hermon, the only sitting Ulster Unionist MP, resigned from the party in March 2010. The reluctant Unionist alliance failed to win any seats at the subsequent General Election, and the pact was soon discontinued. That General Election, held on May 6 2010, led to a hung Parliament, with the Conservatives having 307 seats, Labour 258, the Liberal Democrats 57, and the others 28. The Conservative Party had failed to win a majority for a fourth successive General Election, which represented their worst sequence of results since the six successive defeats between 1847 and 1868. After several days of negotiations between parties, Gordon Brown and the Labour government departed from office, being replaced by a Conservative and Liberal Democrat coalition. David Cameron became the Prime Minister, while Nick Clegg was his Deputy – a Con-Dem double act. Cameron, aged 43, was the youngest Prime Minister since Lord Liverpool, a Tory who took office in 1812.

The government quickly set about massive public spending cuts, with the Conservatives using a budget deficit as an excuse to attack public services. Cameron and the government told people “we are all in this together”, but the continuing problems of recession, aggravated by austerity, had a disproportionate impact on people with lower incomes, while the Conservatives rewarded rich people with massive tax cuts. The policy was overseen by George Osborne, a complacent Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had inherited a multi-million pound fortune. Unemployment increased to almost 2,700,000 by the end of 2011 – the highest figure since 1994.

A messy compromise between the Conservatives, who opposed electoral reform, and the Liberal Democrats, who had long been in favour of some reform, led to a referendum on the generally unsatisfactory Alternative Vote, in May 2011. The electorate rejected AV by 68 per cent to 32 per cent, a result which damaged the cause of electoral reform. Later that year the Coalition carried legislation to set a fixed term of five years for Parliament – unless there was a vote of no confidence in the government, or a majority vote of two thirds of MPs in favour of an early election. It appeared that the main motive was a wish by the Coalition government to bind the two parties making up the alliance, with a law that would force them to remain together, in power, for five years.

The Coalition government’s policies had an adverse effect on both the National Health Service and Sure Start. The Health and Adult Social Care Act 2012 led to major reorganisation of the National Health Service, with the Conservatives undermining the service through fragmentation and privatisation. Dozens of the Conservative MPs who voted for the legislation benefitted financially, through links to private health companies, which won contracts as parts of the NHS were sold off. The Welfare Reform Act 2012 unfairly disadvantaged many benefit claimants, particularly with the introduction of an under-occupancy penalty, generally known as the Bedroom Tax. Major cuts to Legal Aid were also imposed. In the light of these events, the Conservatives were regularly reminded of the “nasty party” tag by the Labour Party, led by Ed Miliband, who replaced Gordon Brown in 2010.

The Conservative Party, along with their friends in UKIP, whipped up hysteria about immigration, undermining Britain’s multi-cultural society. Internal argument among Conservatives over Britain’s role in the European Union continued to influence the party leadership. At the start of 2013, David Cameron announced that a referendum on British membership of the EU would be held if the Conservatives won the next General Election. The death of Margaret Thatcher, in April 2013, led to widespread re-assessment of her legacy. While Conservatives lauded Thatcher as a saviour of Britain, many people saw that Thatcher had encouraged a form of capitalism that was in crisis, sold off important public assets, and divided the nation. A lasting effect of Thatcher’s policies was a drop in the level of support for the Conservatives, who only gained a majority in one out of the five General Elections between 1992 and 2010. In the Summer of 2013, the Coalition government’s plan for armed intervention in the civil war in Syria was defeated in a vote by the House of Commons, as the Labour Party led the argument against this course. Cameron, who misjudged the situation, had to pledge that the government accepted the will of Parliament.

In May 2014 the Conservatives were reduced to third place in the European Union election, with 19 seats. UKIP won the election with 24 seats ahead of Labour, who took 20 seats. The Liberal Democrats were left with a single MEP, while the other parties won 9 seats. After a protracted and damaging trial, Andy Coulson, formerly director of communications for David Cameron, was convicted of previously organising phone-hacking at the News of the World – part of the News International group – and sent to prison in July 2014. Cameron’s judgment in appointing Coulson, who had already been under suspicion, was questioned. July brought another scandal, with credible allegations that Conservative MPs were active in a paedophile ring, during the Thatcher administration, prompting Theresa May, the Home Secretary, to announce an inquiry into historic allegations of child abuse. The chair of the enquiry, Baroness Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, had to step down a few days after her appointment, due to public pressure, as her brother, Michael Havers, had been Attorney General in the Thatcher government.  Following this May blundered again, appointing Dame Fiona Woolf, who also resigned as chair, due to her friendship with Leon Brittan, who was accused of suppressing a dossier about paedophile MPs in 1984, when he was Home Secretary.

    An independence referendum was held in Scotland, on the initiative of the Scottish National Party administration. In the weeks leading up to polling in September 2014, the Conservatives were worried that the outcome would be a vote for independence. With the Tories and Liberal Democrats unpopular in Scotland, the government was reduced to leaving much of the detailed campaigning against independence to the Labour Party, with Gordon Brown taking centre-stage. The referendum rejected independence, at this point, by a margin of 55 per cent to 45 per cent. The government committed British forces to take part in air strikes against the Islamic State terrorists in Iraq, having received backing from the House of Commons in September. Meanwhile British military activity in Afghanistan reached an end, 13 years after this action, led by the USA, was started under Tony Blair’s government.

During the Autumn two sitting Conservative MPs, Douglas Carswell and Mark Reckless, defected to UKIP, and were returned to Parliament for the latter party at By-Elections. Nigel Farage, the reckless UKIP Leader, fanned fruitless speculation about other MPs defecting from the Conservative Party – which he had once been a member of. Many people were concerned about the openly racist, xenophobic, sexist, and homophobic comments regularly made by prominent members of UKIP. Besides a cynical approach to Europe, UKIP had an extreme outlook, bordering on Fascism. In 2006 Cameron said “UKIP is sort of a bunch of fruitcakes and loonies and closet racists”. After ruling out a Conservative pact with UKIP across several years, Cameron changed his mind in Autumn 2014. There was growing support among members of the Conservative Party and UKIP for the idea that, in the event of another hung Parliament, the right wing parties should work together. In late 2014, and the early part of 2015, Liberal Democrat members of the government, anticipating the forthcoming General Election, sought to distance themselves from the Conservatives. There was clear evidence that the Coalition was failing to deal effectively with the budget deficit, and national debt. The Coalition reorganisation of the NHS had left it in crisis, and the Labour Party’s rescue plan was growing in popularity.

After 13 years out of power, as Labour won three successive General Elections, the Conservatives sought to re-create Thatcherism. Cameron was portrayed by supporters as a modern Conservative, in touch with ordinary people. The reality of Cameron’s premiership was continuation of old themes, which had motivated the Conservative Party since its foundation in 1830. For nearly two centuries, the Conservative Party has been run by the wealthy and powerful, with the party focussed on keeping those people wealthy and powerful. The rich benefitted in a limited recovery from capitalist crisis after 2010 but, for most people, Britain was a poorer place, both morally and financially, under the Conservatives.

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